Untuk sempurnanya sesuatu masalah biasanya diiringi oleh suatu pengantar. Pengantar sebagai pembuka pintu gerbang kejelasan untuk mencegah supaya tidak tersungkur dalam mencari dan meraba dalam kegelapan, supaya tidak " struikelen in het zuken en tastenin het duister ". Pengantar ini hendak saya gunakan untuk menerangkan arti judul uraian. Saya lama mengendapkan diri dalam mencari judul uraian yang tepat, sesudah meringkuk ditahan dalam sel berukuran 2 M 20 cm kali 3 M 60 cm selama lebih dari 7 bulan atau kongkritnya hari terhitung mulai 6 Desember ; sesudah 14 kali diperiksa langsung selama 18 hari yang berlangsung tidak kurang dari 70 jam pemeriksaan dan menghasilkan Berita Acara Pemeriksaan setebal halaman; sesudah mengalami keseluruhan pemeriksaan pendahuluan sebanyak 40 kali; sesudah mendapat bantuan kiriman sekedar makanan dan pakaian dari TEPERPU [Team Pemeriksa Pusat] sebanyak l6 kali; dan sesudah mendapat sekedar pemeriksaan dokter sebanyak 9 kali. Misalnya "Pidato Pembelaan'. Saya sengaja tidak menamakan uraian saya ini suatu pembelaan, karena suatu pembelaan harus memiliki persenjataan yang lengkap baik di bidang teori Marxisme-Leninisme maupun di bidang-bidang lainnya.
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Such media have been distributed through new media platforms, including YouTube Espena, ; Ikhwan, Yulianto, Parahita, Arifin C. As YouTube viewership in Indonesia is among the highest around the world Katadata, , the website has thus become one major locus of memory contestation Ikhwan, Yulianto, Parahita, This study, therefore, asks how YouTube has interconnected with the politics of memory within the Indonesian state.
How does YouTube reflect the politics of memory as a contested space and the dominance of certain social memories? Bodnar recognises two types of memory expression: official and vernacular Marschall, Official memory is promoted by cultural leaders and authorities at all levels of society, driven by social unity and the attainment of societal and political goals to foster particular interpretations of the past that reduce the power of competing interests Marschall, It is predominantly developed at the local level in small-scale communities Marschall, , often being created and contested through cultural production and education Huyssen, As history is incorporated into popular culture and information and communication technology, memory can be created through media which allows a moment of the past to exist in the present such as through biopics or documentary films and flow freely between groups Landsberg, Technological features work in tandem with larger cultural contexts.
However, they are also subject to medium-specific constraints and thus contribute to the rapid obsolescence and disappearance of historical consciousness; they also tend to serve commercial and entertainment purposes, thereby nurturing a narcissistic amnesia Haskins, Similarly, virtual knowledge on YouTube can result from the colonisation of memory by the private sector and by the developed world; if a memory has no commercial value, no one will bother preserving it.
Although alternative narratives are represented unequally on YouTube, Ukrainophone and Russophone users tend to utilise YouTube not to challenge national narratives of the past, but to disseminate and propagate these narratives online Markotyrkh, By extension, alternative memories do not necessarily become monumental; official histories can be recreated in and dominate digital realms, receiving massive popularity due to the algorithms of economic power.
This is exacerbated by the disparate starting points of monumental and vernacular memories. Nevertheless, the party was annihilated between and , and its followers and sympathisers, including left-leaning intellectuals, artists, workers, teachers, soldiers, and ordinary peasants, all fell victims. In the New Order regime that emerged afterwards, the official history—based on a book by Nugroho Notosusanto—justified these killings by identifying PKI and its supporters as having masterminded the killing of six generals during a failed coup Herlambang, Crouch identified three possible drivers of the coup: military officers dissatisfied with army leadership, the PKI, or dissident army officers in conjunction with PKI collaborators.
The narrative that President Soekarno was involved in the coup was presented by Fic and Dake Other studies have identified Soeharto as the initiator of the killings, as no other actor benefited more than him and he did nothing to prevent the attack despite having the ability to pass intelligence reports to generals Ahmad Yani and A.
Nasution; see Latief, Such counternarratives, though prohibited officially, circulated in Indonesian academic and intellectual circles throughout the New Order regime.
He describes the prologue as starting five years before In this, he departs from the New Order, which identified the prologue as having started with the Madiun Affair in ; Madiun was critical in this narrative, as it was used to argue that the PKI had betrayed the Indonesian Republic while it was fighting for independence.
The main event was the killing of six generals on 1 October , while the epilogue consisted of mass killings, discriminatory policies, and official histories of the main event. Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Soekarnoputri, Soesilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and Joko Widodo—only Abdurrahman Wahid also known as Gus Dur invited all Indonesians living abroad as political exiles to return, asked government ministers to take steps to restore the civil rights of former detainees and exiles, apologised for the mass slaughter of communists, and encourage citizens to expose the massacres and other incidents of human rights abuses Zurbuchen, Even today, state histories identify the defeat of communism as the salvation of the nation, as well as the victory of religious values over dangerous foreign influences.
Communists have been stigmatised as foreign, immoral, barbaric, and inherently dangerous McGregor, Moreover, civil society organisations have made efforts to promote truth and justice in post-Soeharto Indonesia, holding inclusive activities, using theological approaches, and sponsoring meetings mediated by young Islamist activists Wahyuningroem, Similarly, since , anti-communist groups have protested book launches, film screenings, and meetings of former political prisoners in Indonesia McGregor, Meanwhile, NU threatened to sue Tempo after the magazine issued a special edition that featured confessions from NU executioners McGregor, This list predominantly consisted of scenes or full copies of Treachery ; we found only 10 videos that provided alternative views of the events, and these were among the least popular Ikhwan, Yulianto, Parahita, To supplement these films, we consulted works identified in previous research Ikhwan, Yulianto, Parahita, , as well as those mentioned in interviews conducted for this specific study.
Other videos perpetuating the dominant narrative of included scenes from Treachery as well as newly made videos presenting the voices of military museums and the descendants of the killed generals. We Only Follow Orders, General! We interviewed eleven informants, mostly filmmakers but also activists, in Jakarta, Yogyakarta, and Bali 3. Analysis was qualitative, as the topic is resolutely impressionistic and thus unable to be understood through quantitative means Kracauer, Kami Hanya Menjalankan Perintah, Jenderal!
However, before further discussing the social and political contexts of observed YouTube videos, this section shows that the monumentality of Treachery on YouTube can be analysed from the fact that numerous versions have been uploaded, and that these versions tend to be popular Appendices, Table 2. The six most-viewed versions of Treachery on YouTube have been seen by thousands, receiving more likes than dislikes; likewise, they have received thousands of supportive comments.
However, in many other videos not listed in the Table , footage from Treachery is frequently re-uploaded or incorporated into new videos. Several have received millions of views.
Videos offering alternative voices have received much lower viewership, as seen by the examples of Mass Grave uploaded by dphotografer, 7, views , The Look of Silence uploaded by Jagal Senyap, , views , and Jembatan Bacem uploaded by Belajar Mandiri, , views. The film has become prosthetic memory. The complications and aftermath are ignored. This finding might be related to the tendency of the military and human rights activists to focus on different parts of the events.
Treachery continues to attract high levels of viewership. Meanwhile, despite many alternative narratives being available, only a few have received millions of viewers.
Some comments advocated the killing of people descended from PKI followers, arguing that this was necessary to totally eradicate communism. The fact that most popular videos were uploaded in the months of September and October indicates that the uploaders realise that they will reach broader audiences if they upload videos on or about Pancasila Sanctity Day.
They recognise that, as Pancasila Sanctity Day is held annually on 1 October to commemorate the killing of the generals, people are more likely to search for related videos on YouTube McGregor, For example, General Gatot Nurmantyo of the Indonesia National Army TNI recommended that local army offices conduct public screenings of the film, despite the Ministry of Education and Culture of Indonesia having previously prohibited compulsory screenings for students KumparanNews, President Joko Widodo, who had often been denounced as communist by his political opponents—particularly Islamist hardliners—watched the film together with soldiers at Makorem, Bogor, in September Rahmawaty, In this context, fear of communism and the momentum of the tragedy could be exploited for commercial and political benefit Laksono, ; Bawaslu, ; KPI, This may be related to the political stance of the survivors and human rights activists.
For example, I Gusti Ngurah Termana—the founder of Taman 65 in Kesiman, Bali—stated that they avoid commemorations in September and October because these transitional dates belong to the army not survivors. For example, TaOK had received two prizes at the Berlin International Film Festival and covered by the global media before it appeared in Indonesian media. As stated by I Gusti Ngurah Termana:. I found that no one understands this extreme pain… my tears, my laments, my stories… who cares?
Of course, my grandmother was deeply sad when we set up this memorial right in front of her rebuilt house. Digging up the past means burning her with sorrow. To our family members? My grandfather was killed by one of his own family members, my grand-uncle with a flat voice. Although such acts may invite protests, this only strengthens the alternative voice. Indeed, our observations showed that YouTube has offered filmmakers—no matter their motivations—a way to reach broader audiences than possible with film festivals.
A similar idea was also mentioned by Faiza Marzuki, the director of a filmed theatrical performance titled Silent Song of the Genjer Flowers Her video depicts heartily conversations between Rakhma and her grandmother in a livingroom.
Meanwhile, Dwidjo U. However, such censorship only applies to films that are screened theatrically or televised, rather than those screened privately or to limited audiences. However, the Ministry of Communication and Information is permitted to block certain YouTube content or channels, as it has done with other online platforms citing hate speech and pornography CNNIndonesia, ; Untari, In addition, the teaching of history at schools has not changed much, even though Indonesian millennials have a great desire to learn They even do not know what PKI actually was or the controversy surrounding it.
First, alternative narratives were presented through commercial films and theatrical releases during the early s. It was a biopic about Soe Hok Gie, a young political activist; and never explicitly explored the organised massacre Lee, Mass Grave was screened at Taman 65, Bali, even though the Balinese people were afraid of discussing the tragedy.
In , a planned screening of The Look of Silence , as well as related discussions at the Ubud Writers and Readers Festival UWRF faced objections and pressures from local authorities; it was ultimately cancelled Commercial filmmakers such as Hanung Bramantyo had studied about the history communism in Indonesia long before the fall of Soeharto.
However, many survivors began asserting their identities. Learning of an exhumation from Sulami, he travelled to Kaliwiro Village, in Wonosobo, Central Java, to record the process. Schools do not teach the subject fully. Therefore, before they produce their films, they conduct research. In such a situation, the capacity to remember and remediate the past through cinema and other media depends significantly on the socio-economic power of the groups who produce and maintain them Mitchell, He had once believed that PKI were sadistic atheists, but gained new perspectives that differed significantly from those taught in school and by Treachery.
At the same time, however, YouTube has offered a platform for both sharing official memory and contesting it with alternative vernacular memories. This study has found that Treachery has become a monumental memory on YouTube, as evidenced by its viewership, its high number of likes, the positive tone of comments, its regular uploads, and its remixing into new videos.
For decades, this film has offered a prosthetic memory, becoming monumental not only through its official status but also through the activities of the communities who commemorate and enliven it.
As shown by Landsberg , prosthetic memory has the unique ability to generate the empathy necessary to form political alliances and solidarity despite being indebted to commodification and mass culture. As such, the platform has not promoted vernacular memory, but rather brought past fears and propaganda into the present. At the same time, YouTube algorithms favour certain dates and keywords. These socio-technical factors have all contributed to monumentality and vernacularity.
For this, they have our gratitude. We would also like to express our appreciation to Venda Pratama , from the Department of Anthropology, UGM, who was actively involved in our discussions and meticulously assisted us in collecting data. Table 2. Adam, A. Archipel , 95, 11— Anderson, B. A preliminary analysis of the October 1, coup in Indonesia.
Jakarta: Equinox Publishing. Reprint of the publication.
Indonesia Coronavirus Crisis; Private Labs Ask to be Involved
Such media have been distributed through new media platforms, including YouTube Espena, ; Ikhwan, Yulianto, Parahita, Arifin C. As YouTube viewership in Indonesia is among the highest around the world Katadata, , the website has thus become one major locus of memory contestation Ikhwan, Yulianto, Parahita, This study, therefore, asks how YouTube has interconnected with the politics of memory within the Indonesian state. How does YouTube reflect the politics of memory as a contested space and the dominance of certain social memories? Bodnar recognises two types of memory expression: official and vernacular Marschall,
Untuk mendapatkan pengalaman terbaik saat menggunakan situs web kami, kami sarankan agar Anda melakukan peningkatan ke versi terbaru dari salah satu browser berikut. Chaerul Anwar Nidom expressed hope for the government to involve laboratories other than the one overseen by the Health Ministry in testing suspected COVID or coronavirus samples or specimens. The professor of biochemistry and molecular biology from Airlangga University is one of the active professors who is an active researcher in the field of coronavirus researches. He also implied that the government will be able to avoid releasing maligned policies if the government is willing to share the samples.
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