Homonationalism is the favorable association between a nationalist ideology and LGBT people or their rights. The term was originally proposed by the researcher in gender studies Jasbir K. Puar in to refer to the processes by which some powers line up with the claims of the LGBTI community in order to justify racist , xenophobic and aporophobic positions, especially against Islam , basing them on prejudices that migrant people are homophobic and that Western society is egalitarian. The main critiques of this phenomenon focus on the partial and sectarian use of the LGBT movement to further ends based in intolerance , ignoring the homophobia and lack of real equality in Western society as a whole.
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Homonationalism is the favorable association between a nationalist ideology and LGBT people or their rights. The term was originally proposed by the researcher in gender studies Jasbir K. Puar in to refer to the processes by which some powers line up with the claims of the LGBTI community in order to justify racist , xenophobic and aporophobic positions, especially against Islam , basing them on prejudices that migrant people are homophobic and that Western society is egalitarian.
The main critiques of this phenomenon focus on the partial and sectarian use of the LGBT movement to further ends based in intolerance , ignoring the homophobia and lack of real equality in Western society as a whole. Bruno Perreau has criticized the premises of Puar's argument. While agreeing with her critique of nationalist claims among some LGBT groups, he shows that Puar idealizes those she calls the "sexually nonnormative racialized subject". Pulse was hosting a "Latin Night," and thus, most of the victims were Hispanic.
At the time, it was the deadliest mass shooting by a single shooter in the U. In Terrorist Assemblages , Jasbir Puar sustains that "sexual deviance is linked to the process of discerning, othering, and quarantining terrorist bodies, but these racially and sexually perverse figures also labor in the service of disciplining and normalizing subjects worthy of rehabilitation away from these bodies, in other words, signaling and enforcing the mandatory terms of patriotism.
In the wake of the Orlando shooting of the Pulse Nightclub in , the outcome and the responses by U. Puar states that de alignment with the nationalist discourses against terrorist groups and countries serves the purpose of strengthening the American nationalist projects across the political spectrum: "I argue that the Orientalist invocation of the terrorist is one discursive tactic that disaggregates U. For contemporary forms of U. Gaetano Venezia III argues that the Pulse shooting in Orlando, Florida in provides a prime example of homonationalist narratives at work.
Several reports emerging after the shooting declared this the Most reports on the Pulse shooting have described it as the largest mass shooting in US history.
Furthermore, critiques of this misleading attribution have noted that "death tolls Army or settlers in the American West. Venezia argues that the responses to the Pulse shooting strengthen and protect not only the image of the state but its officials. This hypocrisy often strengthens their public image, making it even more difficult to gain allies, counter injustice, and secure equal rights and protections. The responses of the presidential frontrunners in the United States presidential election are evidence of the homonationalist sentiment that emerged after the shooting.
The Republican and the Democrat leading candidates both responded a few days after the tragedy by delivering speeches addressing national security. Donald Trump and other Republicans embraced this sentiment in their response to the shooting to argue that they were supporters of LGBT rights because of their support for immigration restrictions aimed at Muslims. This is what he said on his speech of June 13, "This is a very dark moment in America's history. A radical Islamic terrorist targeted the nightclub, not only because he wanted to kill Americans, but in order to execute gay and lesbian citizens, because of their sexual orientation.
At the Republican National Convention, candidate Trump used the Orlando tragedy in his nomination acceptance speech in order to justify his anti-Muslim platform. No good. And we're going to stop it. As your president, I will do everything in my power to protect our LGBTQ citizens from the violence and oppression of a hateful foreign ideology. On the other hand, leading candidate Hillary Clinton pledged to fight the terrorist "virus" in its origins, and therefore justified her party's platform of military intervention in the Middle East.
She othered these Muslim majority countries by describing heinous acts directed against the LGBTQ population: "The Orlando terrorist may be dead, but the virus that poisoned his mind remains very much alive.
And we must attack it with clear eyes, steady hands, unwavering determination and pride in our country and our values. They are slaughtering Muslims who refuse to accept their medieval ways. They are beheading civilians, including executing LGBT people.
They are murdering Americans and Europeans, enslaving, torturing and raping women and girls. And an attack on any American is an attack on all Americans. The promise of both candidates made to the American LGBT communities was that they would work to favor their rights while at the same time advance their respective parties' political agendas regarding Jihadi terrorism. While Clinton promised to terminate Islamic terrorism by attacking its origins, this would only mean that as an elected official she would be furthering the U.
Trump's pledge in the light of the Orlando shooting was to argue that they were true pro-LGBTQ advocates because of their support for immigration restrictions aimed towards Muslims embodied by the Travel Ban. In their respective speeches, the bodies of the fallen queer people in the Pulse tragedy had been used by both presidential candidates as ammunition to strengthen the sense of urgency for their own political national projects.
Homonationalism is often paired together with pinkwashing as it happens with the discourse surrounding the Israeli occupation of Palestine. One of the most pungent discussions regarding homonationalism is how the State of Israel is proclaiming itself as a defender and advocate of gay rights as an excuse to justify the occupation of Palestine.
In her article in the New York Times , Sarah Schulman posits that "the Israeli government began a marketing campaign, "Brand Israel," aimed at men ages 18 to The campaign, as reported by The Jewish Daily Forward , sought to depict Israel as "relevant and modern.
Schulman claims that the anti-occupation LGBT activists have labeled these strategies as "pinkwashing": "a deliberate strategy to conceal the continuing violations of Palestinians' human rights behind an image of modernity signified by Israeli gay life.
Schulman explains that recent events in Western Europe and Israel have brought very problematic portrayals of immigrants in the light of violence and the LGBT populations in urban settings. She claims that: "depictions of immigrants—usually Muslims of Arab, South Asian, Turkish or African origin—as "homophobic fanatics" opportunistically ignore the existence of Muslim gays and their allies within their communities. They also render invisible the role that fundamentalist Christians, the Roman Catholic Church and Orthodox Jews play in perpetuating fear and even hatred of gays.
And that cynical message has now spread from its roots in European xenophobia to become a potent tool in the long-running Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Schulman makes a call to be aware that "the long-sought realization of some rights for some gays should not blind us to the struggles against racism in Europe and the United States, or to the Palestinians' insistence on a land to call home.
As a queer, you have the right to love and have sex with whomever you choose safely and without discrimination, but you do not have the right to be un-occupied, or to be free from oppression based on your political beliefs, actions, and affiliations. As long as it is Arabo-Islamic culture and its manifestation through Palestinian law that is oppressing you, we are here for you.
If you are being oppressed by Israeli colonial policies, you're on your own. As long as you confine your politics to your sexuality, and you speak as a queer subaltern in a language of rights that we understand because we wrote it we are here for you. Mikdashi warns about the risks of thinking about these issues through the misconception of a uniform "gay international" formation: "Many progressive critics miss the point that pinkwashing, the process by which the government of Israel attempts to promote itself as a safe haven for Palestinian queers from "their culture," is not primarily about gay rights or homosexuality at all.
Pinkwashing only makes sense as a political strategy within a discourse of Islamophobia and Arabophobia, and it is part of a larger project to anchor all politics within the axis of identity, and identitarian and identifiable groups. Thus critics of pinkwashing who assume an international queer camaraderie repeat a central tenet of homonationalism: homosexuals should be in solidarity with and empathize with each other because they are homosexual. Mikdashi interrogates further the idea of a "gay international" by stating that: "homophobia is not one thing, nor is it experienced in the same way or to the same extent by homosexuals the world over because they themselves are not the same thing.
Moreover, homophobia could be a less defining experience than say, the racism experienced by an African American queer or a Syrian queer protesting against authoritarianism and neoliberal market restructuring. In fact, the experience of homophobia as the primary discrimination one faces in life is usually the mark of an otherwise privileged existence.
For the majority of the people of the world, oppression, to paraphrase Edward Said on culture, is contrapuntual. It moves, is multi-directional, it is adaptive, and it forms a terrain of interconnected injustices. Mikdashi ends her argument by calling for efforts "to critically inhabit this homonational world and try, always, to act within the uncomfortable and precarious line between rights and justice.
Category:LGBT culture. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Not to be confused with Queer nationalism. The neutrality of this article is disputed. Relevant discussion may be found on the talk page.
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July Learn how and when to remove this template message. Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times. Duke University Press. Public Seminar. Inquiries Journal. Viento Sur. Revista Em Pauta. Pride Life. Dos manzanas. Le Monde. Slate Magazine.
Huffington Post. El Confidencial. Southeastern Europe. The New York Times. International Journal of Middle East Studies. Center for a Stateless Society. Retrieved List of nationalist organizations Nationalist Clubs. Lesbian , gay , bisexual , and transgender LGBT topics.
Academic fields Discourse. Community Culture. Gender identities Sexual identities Sexual diversities. Asexual Bisexual Heterosexual Homosexual.
Detransition Erotic target location error Gender and sexual diversity Gender binary Gender essentialism Gender expression Gender neutrality Gender roles Hermaphrodite Human female sexuality Human male sexuality Intersex Sexuality and gender identity-based cultures. Mollies Urnings.
Jasbir K. Puar is a U. Puar is the author of award-winning Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times , which has been translated into Spanish and French and re-issued in an expanded version for its 10th anniversary December She has written widely on South Asian disaporic cultural production in the United States , United Kingdom and Trinidad , LGBT tourism , terrorism studies, surveillance studies, biopolitics and necropolitics, disability and debilitation, theories of intersectionality , affect , and assemblage ; animal studies and posthumanism , homonationalism , pinkwashing , and the Palestinian territories. Puar has an M. In "Queer Times, Queer Assemblages", published in , Puar analyzes the War on Terror as an assemblage of racism , nationalism , patriotism , and terrorism , suggesting that it is "already profoundly queer ".
The Political Economy of Homonationalism
In this pathbreaking work, Jasbir K. Puar argues that configurations of sexuality, race, gender, nation, class, and ethnicity are realigning in relation to contemporary forces of securitization, counterterrorism, and nationalism. She examines how liberal politics incorporate certain queer subjects into the fold of the nation-state, through developments including the legal recognition inherent in the overturning of anti-sodomy laws and the proliferation of more mainstream representation. These incorporations have shifted many queers from their construction as figures of death via the AIDS epidemic to subjects tied to ideas of life and productivity gay marriage and reproductive kinship. Puar contends, however, that this tenuous inclusion of some queer subjects depends on the production of populations of Orientalized terrorist bodies. Heteronormative ideologies that the U.